the party of white people

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barrysoetoro
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Re: the party of white people

Post by barrysoetoro » Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:05 pm

Who is the DNC the party of, chimpo,???

Illegals, gays, blacks on welfare, Hispanics on welfare, punk millennial losers.
0 x
No, we DON'T need to impeach Trump when you can't even post ONE letter of text from the "Mueller Report", you pathetic 0bama suck-up

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KC_
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Re: the party of white people

Post by KC_ » Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:11 pm

barrysoetoro wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:05 pm
Who is the DNC the party of, chimpo,???

Illegals, gays, blacks on welfare, Hispanics on welfare, punk millennial losers.
You left out transgenders again.
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barrysoetoro
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Re: the party of white people

Post by barrysoetoro » Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:26 pm

KC_ wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:11 pm
barrysoetoro wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:05 pm
Who is the DNC the party of, chimpo,???

Illegals, gays, blacks on welfare, Hispanics on welfare, punk millennial losers.
You left out transgenders again.
Dog gonnit!!!!

Did I spell that right?
0 x
No, we DON'T need to impeach Trump when you can't even post ONE letter of text from the "Mueller Report", you pathetic 0bama suck-up

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KC_
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Re: the party of white people

Post by KC_ » Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:29 pm

barrysoetoro wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:26 pm
KC_ wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:11 pm
barrysoetoro wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:05 pm
Who is the DNC the party of, chimpo,???

Illegals, gays, blacks on welfare, Hispanics on welfare, punk millennial losers.
You left out transgenders again.
Dog gonnit!!!!

Did I spell that right?
Your spelling looks fine to me .
0 x
“I’d rather die standing up than live on my knees “
Stephane Charbonnier

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Pete
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Re: the party of white people

Post by Pete » Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:30 pm

No party can win without the cracker vote. Fact
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DallasDimeBags
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Re: the party of white people

Post by DallasDimeBags » Fri Jun 14, 2019 5:17 pm

Tejanochimbo wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 12:01 pm
                                                            Image
Original Sin
Why the GOP is and will continue to be the party of white people
By SAM TANENHAUS

With Barack Obama sworn in for a second term—the first president in either party since Ronald Reagan to be elected twice with popular majorities—the GOP is in jeopardy, the gravest since 1964, of ceasing to be a national party. The civil rights pageantry of the inauguration—Abraham Lincoln's Bible and Martin Luther King's, Justice Sonia Sotomayor's swearing in of Joe Biden, Beyoncé's slinky glamor, the verses read by the gay Cuban poet Richard Blanco—seemed not just an assertion of Democratic solidarity, but also a reminder of the GOP's ever-narrowing identity and of how long it has been in the making.

"Who needs Manhattan when we can get the electoral votes of eleven Southern states?" Kevin Phillips, the prophet of "the emerging Republican majority," asked in 1968, when he was piecing together Richard Nixon's electoral map. The eleven states, he meant, of the Old Confederacy. "Put those together with the Farm Belt and the Rocky Mountains, and we don't need the big cities. We don't even want them. Sure, Hubert [Humphrey] will carry Riverside Drive in November. La-de-dah. What will he do in Oklahoma?"

Forty-five years later, the GOP safely has Oklahoma, and Dixie, too. But Phillips's Sunbelt strategy was built for a different time, and a different America. Many have noted Mitt Romney's failure to collect a single vote in 91 precincts in New York City and 59 precincts in Philadelphia. More telling is his defeat in eleven more of the nation's 15 largest cities. Not just Chicago and Columbus, but also Indianapolis, San Diego, Houston, even Dallas—this last a reason the GOP fears that, within a generation Texas will become a swing state. Remove Texas from the vast, lightly populated Republican expanse west of the Mississippi, and the remaining 13 states yield fewer electoral votes than the West Coast triad of California, Oregon, and Washington. If those trends continue, the GOP could find itself unable to count on a single state that has as many as 20 electoral votes.

It won't do to blame it all on Romney. No doubt he was a weak candidate, but he was the best the party could muster, as the GOP's leaders insisted till the end, many of them convinced he would win, possibly in a landslide. Neither can Romney be blamed for the party's whiter-shade-of-pale legislative Rotary Club: the four Republicans among the record 20 women in the Senate, the absence of Republicans among the 42 African Americans in the House (and the GOP's absence as well among the six new members who are openly gay or lesbian). These are remarkable totals in a two-party system, and they reflect not only a failure of strategy or "outreach," but also a history of long-standing indifference, at times outright hostility, to the nation's diverse constituencies—blacks, women, Latinos, Asians, gays.


But that history, with its repeated instances of racialist political strategy dating back many decades, only partially accounts for the party's electoral woes. The true problem, as yet unaddressed by any Republican standard-bearer, originates in the ideology of modern conservatism. When the intellectual authors of the modern right created its doctrines in the 1950s, they drew on nineteenth-century political thought, borrowing explicitly from the great apologists for slavery, above all, the intellectually fierce South Carolinian John C. Calhoun. This is not to say conservatives today share Calhoun's ideas about race. It is to say instead that the Calhoun revival, based on his complex theories of constitutional democracy, became the justification for conservative politicians to resist, ignore, or even overturn the will of the electoral majority.

This is the politics of nullification, the doctrine, nearly as old as the republic itself, which holds that the states, singly or in concert, can defy federal actions by declaring them invalid or simply ignoring them. We hear the echoes of nullification in the venting of anti-government passions and also in campaigns to "starve government," curtail voter registration, repeal legislation, delegitimize presidents. There is a strong sectionalist bias in these efforts. They flourish in just the places Kevin Phillips identified as Republican strongholds—Plains, Mountain, but mainly Southern states, where change invites suspicion, especially when it seems invasive, and government is seen as an intrusive force. Yet those same resisters—most glaringly, Tea Partiers—cherish the entitlements and benefits provided by "Big Government." Their objections come when outsider groups ask for consideration, too. Even recent immigrants to this country sense the "hidden hand" of Calhoun's style of dissent, the extended lineage of rearguard politics, with its aggrieved call, heard so often today, "to take back America"—that is, to take America back to the "better" place it used to be. Today's conservatives have fully embraced this tradition, enshrining it as their own "Lost cause," redolent with the moral consolations of noble defeat.

In the 1950s, when the civil rights movement began, Republicans helped lead it. ...

[...]

https://newrepublic.com/article/112365/ ... ite-people
How badly do you hate Republican crackers Chimbo?
0 x

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Tejanochimbo
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Re: the party of white people

Post by Tejanochimbo » Fri Jun 14, 2019 6:57 pm

DallasDimeBags wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 5:17 pm
Tejanochimbo wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 12:01 pm
                                                            Image
Original Sin
Why the GOP is and will continue to be the party of white people
By SAM TANENHAUS

With Barack Obama sworn in for a second term—the first president in either party since Ronald Reagan to be elected twice with popular majorities—the GOP is in jeopardy, the gravest since 1964, of ceasing to be a national party. The civil rights pageantry of the inauguration—Abraham Lincoln's Bible and Martin Luther King's, Justice Sonia Sotomayor's swearing in of Joe Biden, Beyoncé's slinky glamor, the verses read by the gay Cuban poet Richard Blanco—seemed not just an assertion of Democratic solidarity, but also a reminder of the GOP's ever-narrowing identity and of how long it has been in the making.

"Who needs Manhattan when we can get the electoral votes of eleven Southern states?" Kevin Phillips, the prophet of "the emerging Republican majority," asked in 1968, when he was piecing together Richard Nixon's electoral map. The eleven states, he meant, of the Old Confederacy. "Put those together with the Farm Belt and the Rocky Mountains, and we don't need the big cities. We don't even want them. Sure, Hubert [Humphrey] will carry Riverside Drive in November. La-de-dah. What will he do in Oklahoma?"

Forty-five years later, the GOP safely has Oklahoma, and Dixie, too. But Phillips's Sunbelt strategy was built for a different time, and a different America. Many have noted Mitt Romney's failure to collect a single vote in 91 precincts in New York City and 59 precincts in Philadelphia. More telling is his defeat in eleven more of the nation's 15 largest cities. Not just Chicago and Columbus, but also Indianapolis, San Diego, Houston, even Dallas—this last a reason the GOP fears that, within a generation Texas will become a swing state. Remove Texas from the vast, lightly populated Republican expanse west of the Mississippi, and the remaining 13 states yield fewer electoral votes than the West Coast triad of California, Oregon, and Washington. If those trends continue, the GOP could find itself unable to count on a single state that has as many as 20 electoral votes.

It won't do to blame it all on Romney. No doubt he was a weak candidate, but he was the best the party could muster, as the GOP's leaders insisted till the end, many of them convinced he would win, possibly in a landslide. Neither can Romney be blamed for the party's whiter-shade-of-pale legislative Rotary Club: the four Republicans among the record 20 women in the Senate, the absence of Republicans among the 42 African Americans in the House (and the GOP's absence as well among the six new members who are openly gay or lesbian). These are remarkable totals in a two-party system, and they reflect not only a failure of strategy or "outreach," but also a history of long-standing indifference, at times outright hostility, to the nation's diverse constituencies—blacks, women, Latinos, Asians, gays.


But that history, with its repeated instances of racialist political strategy dating back many decades, only partially accounts for the party's electoral woes. The true problem, as yet unaddressed by any Republican standard-bearer, originates in the ideology of modern conservatism. When the intellectual authors of the modern right created its doctrines in the 1950s, they drew on nineteenth-century political thought, borrowing explicitly from the great apologists for slavery, above all, the intellectually fierce South Carolinian John C. Calhoun. This is not to say conservatives today share Calhoun's ideas about race. It is to say instead that the Calhoun revival, based on his complex theories of constitutional democracy, became the justification for conservative politicians to resist, ignore, or even overturn the will of the electoral majority.

This is the politics of nullification, the doctrine, nearly as old as the republic itself, which holds that the states, singly or in concert, can defy federal actions by declaring them invalid or simply ignoring them. We hear the echoes of nullification in the venting of anti-government passions and also in campaigns to "starve government," curtail voter registration, repeal legislation, delegitimize presidents. There is a strong sectionalist bias in these efforts. They flourish in just the places Kevin Phillips identified as Republican strongholds—Plains, Mountain, but mainly Southern states, where change invites suspicion, especially when it seems invasive, and government is seen as an intrusive force. Yet those same resisters—most glaringly, Tea Partiers—cherish the entitlements and benefits provided by "Big Government." Their objections come when outsider groups ask for consideration, too. Even recent immigrants to this country sense the "hidden hand" of Calhoun's style of dissent, the extended lineage of rearguard politics, with its aggrieved call, heard so often today, "to take back America"—that is, to take America back to the "better" place it used to be. Today's conservatives have fully embraced this tradition, enshrining it as their own "Lost cause," redolent with the moral consolations of noble defeat.

In the 1950s, when the civil rights movement began, Republicans helped lead it. ...

[...]

https://newrepublic.com/article/112365/ ... ite-people
How badly do you hate Republican crackers Chimbo?
► I just think they're stupid. They're always in the way
1 x
                               NRA + GOP = more mass killings

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Tejanochimbo
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Re: the party of white people

Post by Tejanochimbo » Fri Jun 14, 2019 7:16 pm

barrysoetoro wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:05 pm
Who is the DNC the party of, chimpo,???

Illegals, gays, blacks on welfare, Hispanics on welfare, punk millennial losers.
Image
0 x
                               NRA + GOP = more mass killings

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Scooter
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Re: the party of white people

Post by Scooter » Fri Jun 14, 2019 8:08 pm

yawn
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After all the lies and trumped-up charges... *STILL* your President.

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barrysoetoro
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Re: the party of white people

Post by barrysoetoro » Fri Jun 14, 2019 11:51 pm

Tejanochimbo wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 7:16 pm
barrysoetoro wrote:
Fri Jun 14, 2019 2:05 pm
Who is the DNC the party of, chimpo,???

Illegals, gays, blacks on welfare, Hispanics on welfare, punk millennial losers.
Image
The Democrat party hasn't done anything for me with their taxes and regulations. I got nothing out of it. Maybe you did.

Democrat party is all about Job destruction. Idiots like you keep supporting them and keep thinking that's a good thing.

You and brokeback boy must be brothers. You from the brown-skinned half of its family.
0 x
No, we DON'T need to impeach Trump when you can't even post ONE letter of text from the "Mueller Report", you pathetic 0bama suck-up

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